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VOICE ONE:
THE MAKING OF A NATION — a program in Special English.
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In eighteen-fifty, the Congress of the United States debated an important compromise proposal. The compromise dealt mostly with the national dispute over slavery. The dispute threatened to split the northern and southern parts of the country. There was a danger of war. Many leaders in the north and south supported the compromise. But, President Zachary Taylor did not.
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Taylor did not think there was a crisis. He did not believe the dispute over slavery was as serious as others did. He had his own plan to settle one part of the dispute. He would make the new territory of California a free state. Slavery there would be banned. Taylor’s plan did not, however, settle other parts of the dispute. It said nothing about laws on escaped slaves. It said nothing about slavery in the nation’s capital, the District of Columbia. It said nothing about the border dispute between Texas and New Mexico. The congressional compromise was an attempt to settle all these problems.
VOICE ONE:
Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky, who had written the compromise, questioned the president’s limited proposal. Clay said: “Now what is the plan of the president? Here are five problems…five wounds that are bleeding and threatening the life of the republic. What is the president’s plan? Is it to heal all these wounds. No such thing. It is to heal one of the five and to leave the other four to bleed more than ever.”
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While the debate continued in Washington, the situation in Texas and New Mexico got worse. Texas claimed a large part of New Mexico, including the capital, Santa Fe. Early in eighteen-fifty, Texas sent a representative to Santa Fe to take control of the government. The United States military commander in New Mexico advised the people not to recognize the man. The governor of Texas was furious. He decided to send state soldiers to enforce Texas’s claims in New Mexico. He said if trouble broke out, the United States government would be to blame.
VOICE ONE:
President Taylor rejected Texas’s claims. He told his secretary of war to send an order to the military commander in New Mexico. The commander was to use force to oppose any attempt by Texas to seize the territory. The secretary of war said he would not send such an order. He believed that if fighting began, southerners would hurry to the aid of Texas. And that, he thought, might be the start of a southern struggle against the federal government.
In a short time, the north and south would be at war. When the secretary of war refused to sign the order, President Taylor answered sharply. “Then I will sign the order myself!” Taylor had been a general before becoming president. He said he would take command of the army himself to enforce the law. And he said he was willing to hang anyone who rebelled against the Union.
VOICE TWO:
President Taylor began writing a message to Congress on the situation. He never finished it. On the afternoon of July fourth, eighteen-fifty, Taylor attended an outdoor independence day ceremony. The ceremony was held at the place where a monument to America’s first president, George Washington, was being built. The day was very hot, and Taylor stood for a long time in the burning sun. That night, he became sick with pains in his stomach. Doctors were called to the White House. But none of their treatments worked. Five days later, President Taylor died. Vice President Millard Fillmore was sworn-in as president.
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Fillmore was from New York state. His family was poor. His early education came not from school teachers, but from whatever books he could find. Later, Fillmore was able to study law. He became a successful lawyer. He also served in the United States Congress for eight years. The Whig Party chose him as its vice presidential candidate in the election of eighteen-forty-eight. He served as vice president for about a year and a half before the death of President Taylor.
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Fillmore had disagreed with Taylor over the congressional compromise on slavery and the western territories. Unlike Taylor, Fillmore truly believed that the nation was facing a crisis. And he truly believed the compromise would help save the Union.
Now, as president, Fillmore offered his complete support to the bill. Its chances of passing looked better than ever. Fillmore asked the old cabinet to resign. He named his own cabinet members. All were strong supporters of the union. All supported the compromise.
VOICE ONE:
Congress debated the compromise throughout the summer of eighteen-fifty. There were several proposals in the bill. Supporters decided not to vote on the proposals as one piece of legislation. They saw a better chance of success by trying to pass each proposal separately. Their idea worked. By the end of September, both the Senate and House of Representatives had approved all parts of the eighteen-fifty compromise.
President Fillmore signed them into law. One part of the compromise permitted California to enter the Union as a free state. One established territorial governments in New Mexico and Utah. One settled the dispute between Texas and New Mexico. Another ended the slave trade in the District of Columbia.
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Many happy celebrations took place when citizens heard that President Fillmore had signed the eighteen-fifty compromise. Many people believed the problem of slavery had been solved. They believed the union had been saved. Others, however, believed the problem had only been postponed. They hoped the delay would give reasonable men of the north and south time to find a permanent answer to the issue of slavery. Time was running out.
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It was true that the eighteen-fifty compromise had ended a national crisis. But both northern and southern extremists remained bitter. Those opposed to slavery believed the compromise law on runaway slaves violated the constitution. The new law said negroes accused of being runaway slaves could not have a jury trial. It said government officials could send negroes to whoever claimed to own them. It said negroes could not appeal such a decision.
Those who supported slavery had a different idea of the compromise. They did not care about the constitutional rights of negroes. They considered the compromise a simple law for the return of valuable property. No law approved by Congress, and signed by the president, could change these beliefs.
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The issue of slavery was linked to the issue of secession. Did states have the right to leave the Union. If southern states rejected all compromises on slavery, did they have the right to secede. The signing of the eighteen-fifty compromise cooled the debate for a time. But disagreement on the issues was deep. It would continue to build over the next ten years. Those were difficult years for America’s presidents.
Next week, we will tell how the situation affected the administration of President Millard Fillmore.
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VOICE ONE:
You have been listening to the Special English program, THE MAKING OF A NATION. Your narrators were Larry West and Leo Scully. Our program was written by Frank Beardsley. THE MAKING OF A NATION can be heard Thursdays.